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Saturday, November 08, 2014

Hezbollah parliamentarian: We will defend Lebanon from IS

Hezbollah parliamentarian: We will defend Lebanon from IS BEIRUT — Hezbollah is ready to confront jihadist groups in defending Lebanon, according to Hezbollah lawmaker Ali Fayyad. In an exclusive interview, Fayyad told Al-Monitor, “Hezbollah is determined to fight takfiri groups.” He said, “If the situation were to worsen, Hezbollah is ready to defend Lebanon.” Fayyad described Lebanon as being “under direct threat” from the Islamic State (IS). Summary⎙ Print In an exclusive interview with Al-Monitor, Hezbollah lawmaker Ali Fayyad said Lebanon was under direct threat from the Islamic State and that Hezbollah stood ready to confront it. Author Ali Rizk Posted September 10, 2014 Translator(s)Steffi Chakti The northeastern Lebanese village of Arsal, adjacent to the Syrian border, has been the scene of violent clashes between the Lebanese army and jihadist militants from IS and Jabhat al-Nusra. A number of Lebanese army soldiers and security personnel were taken captive by the jihadists during these clashes, and two of them were executed by IS. Fayyad said Hezbollah was working with border villages to improve their security, but that it was ultimately the role of the Lebanese state to develop a security strategy for the border areas threatened by terrorist groups. “Hezbollah is not training groups. Many Christian border villages asked for our help to protect these towns and for military cooperation,” he said. “We have a principle: This task is that of the Lebanese state and the Lebanese army. Hezbollah is ready to cooperate as part of the Lebanese social fabric.” While acknowledging that the presence of Syrian refugees is having “negative effects” on the country, Fayyad holds that civilian Syrian refugees should not be blamed for terrorist activity. “We cannot hold civilians responsible for what terrorist groups, which have taken refuge in camps, are doing,” he said. Fayyad welcomed any military aid provided to the Lebanese army, but said the aid provided by Western countries, like the United States, was insufficient to defeat the militant groups. “The [current] aid doesn’t allow the Lebanese army to be in a position where it can decide this battle in its favor,” Fayyad said. “Lebanon is in need of helicopters and missiles, which would help in changing the course of the battle, in addition to drones to track terrorist groups that are on the move in the mountains.” The Hezbollah parliament member also welcomed any military action against IS inside Syria on the condition that it would be in coordination with the Syrian government. In response to a question regarding possible US military action against IS in Syria, Fayyad said, “There now exists broad common ground in the Middle East in the name of confronting takfiri terrorism. And all efforts to confront this phenomenon are welcome but must take into consideration the sovereignty of states and not be an aggression against the sovereignty of this or that country.” Fayyad denied any direct or indirect communication between the United States and Hezbollah regarding IS and said that there were no official meetings taking place between Hezbollah and Saudi Arabia, although he welcomed the thaw in relations between Tehran and Riyadh. “We hope it will develop into a fruitful dialogue and will usher in results that are not limited to Iraq but extend to the whole region,” he said. The Hezbollah lawmaker categorically denied any military role for Hezbollah in Iraq, stating, “We have no military battlefield role in Iraq.” Hezbollah is, however, working on repairing relations between Hamas and the Syrian government, Fayyad acknowledged. “We do not spare any effort to repair the dysfunction that befell relations between resistance powers,” he said. The text of the interview follows. Al-Monitor: Al-Monitor recently reported, citing Hezbollah sources, that Hezbollah was training protection committees in the Bekaa Valley in anticipation of a potential offensive by IS and its jihadist allies. What is Hezbollah’s assessment of the jihadist threat to Lebanon, and is Lebanon ready to handle IS? Fayyad: The IS threat is serious on the level of the whole region, and this issue does not need affirmation. What is happening in Iraq and Syria is stark. Lebanon is also in the eye of the storm, and in previous times, it dealt with security incidents that targeted various residential areas in Bekaa and the southern suburbs of Beirut, leaving scores of dead and wounded. IS and Jabhat al-Nusra are explicitly saying that they want to move forward with policies of security aggression. Additionally, there is a serious threat along the eastern border with Syria in the Qalamoun mountain range, which is home to thousands of militants. On Aug. 2, they attacked the town of Arsal and took members of the army and police hostage, beheading [two of them] and threatening to behead more. IS constitutes a threat to Lebanon for different reasons. The first is tactical and related to the need of these militants to settle in a town before winter sets in. The second is strategic, as these militants need to have a route to the coast and to a maritime port in the Akkar Valley. This is why Akkar and the north are among their targets. The third is dogmatic, wherein Lebanon is a part of the geography of the caliphate that they proclaimed. For all these reasons, Lebanon is under direct threat. Hezbollah is not training groups. Many Christian border villages asked for our help to protect these towns and for military cooperation. We have a principle: This task is that of the Lebanese state and the Lebanese army. Hezbollah is ready to cooperate as part of the Lebanese social fabric. Yet, this is the task of the Lebanese army and security apparatuses. We have a role in Qalamoun on the Lebanese-Syrian borders, and we understand that our role is related to protecting the Lebanese borders, the Lebanese entity and the political-social formula in Lebanon. Al-Monitor: What form does this “supportive role” you mentioned take? Fayyad: This role is inside Lebanon as well, because the border villages are witnessing a popular movement [aimed at] providing protection. We are part of this movement. However, we are not playing an organized military or security role to protect these villages, especially in regard to Christian- and Druze-dominated towns. This is the role of the Lebanese state, and we are ready to be part of a comprehensive national cooperation process. Certainly, there is currently a general feeling — in particular on the part of minorities and especially Christians — that Hezbollah is a protection army for the Christians and minorities in Lebanon, given our work in the Qalamoun mountain range. This, however, does not in any case cancel the role of the state, which is to protect citizens. Al-Monitor: How do you view the military assistance provided to the Lebanese army by the United States, France and Saudi Arabia? Do you believe it will make a difference in the fight against IS? Fayyad: The arms that Lebanon is receiving in the form of aid from Western countries are not qualitative. Lebanon is in need of helicopters and missiles, which would help in changing the course of the battle, in addition to drones to track terrorist groups that are on the move in the mountains. Until this moment, we cannot deny the Western aid to the Lebanese army, and we welcome all aid. However, and honestly, this aid does not allow Lebanon to be in a position where it can decide this battle to its favor. Al-Monitor: If that is the situation, could Hezbollah intervene out of the necessity to decide the course of this battle? Fayyad: It is no secret that we are playing an effective role in the Qalamoun mountain range on the Lebanese-Syrian border. We are determined to fight extremist groups similar to al-Qaeda, mainly IS, Jabhat al-Nusra and other extremist groups. In fact, we do not differentiate between these groups, as they share a similar ideology and goals. Only the details differ. At the end of the day, they all have the same extremist vision and aim of uprooting minorities. This is why we are determined to fight these groups. If the situation were to worsen, Hezbollah is ready to defend Lebanon. Al-Monitor: Inside Lebanon? Fayyad: Let us wait and see how things play out. Al-Monitor: [Future Movement leader] Saad Hariri’s return to Lebanon was seen as the result of an understanding between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Is there an understanding between the two regional powers to prevent jihadists from reaching Lebanon? Has Hezbollah been in direct contact with Saudi Arabia in this regard? Fayyad: There is no official communication between Hezbollah and Saudi Arabia. Some normal meetings with the Saudi ambassador to Beirut take place on different occasions, but we cannot say that there is a dialogue between Hezbollah and Saudi Arabia. Al-Monitor: Are these periodic meetings? Fayyad: No, they take place on different occasions. In the past and before the relations became tense, we held periodic meetings. Openness and dialogue between Iran and Saudi Arabia are certainly starting to take shape, given the visit of Iranian Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Hussein Amir Abdel Lahyan and the positive statements of Iran’s ambassador to the Organization of the Islamic Conference, who considered the results of the visit to be positive and constructive, hoping it will carry positive repercussions for the situation in the region. Moreover, the statements of Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif about his readiness to visit Saudi Arabia and receive his Saudi counterpart constitute a good start. We hope it will develop into a fruitful dialogue and will usher in results that are not limited to Iraq but extend to the whole region. In fact, we do not believe that the conflicts and confrontations between Islamic states and Sunnis and Shiites in the region have a future. It is a mill of blood with no future or sense. We call for an alternative strategy, which is a strategy of communication, dialogue and attempts toward reaching an understanding over different issues. Al-Monitor: There is debate in the United States on whether it should seek cooperation with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in the fight against IS. Do you welcome US military support in Syria against IS, and has Hezbollah been approached by Western states? Fayyad: We are currently facing a problem. There is a regional threat that is prone to becoming international at any moment, represented by IS. This is why IS should be dealt with as a problem threatening international security and peace. In this context, every country should play a serious and effective role in fighting this phenomenon. There now exists broad common ground in the Middle East in the name of confronting takfiri terrorism. And all efforts to confront this phenomenon are welcome but must take into consideration the sovereignty of states and not be an aggression against the sovereignty of this country or that country. Al-Monitor: Have certain messages been conveyed to you, as Hezbollah? Fayyad: No messages were conveyed to us, and we are not in any contact with the Americans. Al-Monitor: What about a third party? Are there any signals that point to US willingness to engage Hezbollah, given Hezbollah’s experience in fighting these groups? Fayyad: There is nothing new on the level of relations between the Americans and Hezbollah. Al-Monitor: There are some in the United States calling for intervening in Syria, while at the same time moving against Assad and enhancing the arming of what is called the “moderate opposition.” If this were to happen, what will be Hezbollah’s response? Fayyad: This game will not yield positive results in terms of reaching a political solution to the Syrian crisis. We call on all powers for an open confrontation, each [standing] their position, against extremist terrorism. We call on joining efforts to reach a political solution for the crisis in Syria, which does not exclude or impose prior conditions and that overcomes the impossible condition that requires Assad to exit the political process. Assad is the legitimate president of Syria, and regardless of this, he enjoys a broad base of representation. Any proposal for Assad stepping down constitutes an impossible condition that impedes a political solution. We want to reach a political solution that fosters a real democracy, and the people are the ones who determine the future of Syria and choose the leadership. We do not mind transparency and [the provision of] guarantees under international supervision on all levels. Al-Monitor: State and economic neglect of Tripoli and Lebanon’s northern areas has been cited as [producing] a potential breeding ground for jihadists. Is there a broader plan to deal with the roots of terrorism in Lebanon, by lifting many of these regions out of poverty and desperation? Fayyad: The phenomenon of extremist terrorism is not only a reaction to oppression and poverty. It is a phenomenon that has roots in Islamic history. However, at some points in time, social, economic and cultural factors were added, reinforcing this phenomenon and pushing it to the surface. It would be wrong to only tackle this issue at the military and security levels. A comprehensive social, cultural and jurisprudential strategy is required, in addition to broad cooperation on different levels between relevant countries, actors, religious guides and cultural and media centers, to fight this phenomenon. Even if IS as a political entity and state were exterminated, there would still be a need to eliminate its security group and cultural and ideological hotbeds, which are spread in various areas. This is a thorny process that I believe will take years. Al-Monitor: Who do you think is responsible for the jurisprudential issue, the jurisprudential atmosphere if we might say, that leads the growth of this ideology? Fayyad: All religious institutions — at Al-Azhar, in Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and every Sunni country in the world — should clearly and explicitly fight [this phenomenon]. The thing about IS is that all parties announce that they oppose [its ideology] and refuse its practices, but there are many unannounced stances and subtle practices that may intersect with, and use this organization, bet on its success or even secretly support it. These powers are regional as well as international. Al-Monitor: Lebanon is still without a president, governance is suffering and there are talks about extending the parliament’s term. What is Hezbollah’s plan to revive Lebanon’s political system, which appears to be crumbling? What threat does the political paralysis pose to Lebanon’s stability? Fayyad: The presidential vacuum and legislative paralysis of the parliament, resulting from the March 14 camp’s boycott, have serious negative effects on Lebanon’s stability and security and the interests of its citizens. The legislative role of the parliament is in desperate need of revival, until a new president is elected. These issues are self-evident and in line with the requirements of the Lebanese national interest. Al-Monitor: Syrian refugee numbers, currently more than 1.2 million, continue to rise in Lebanon, and are putting social and economic strains on the country, in addition to the potential security threat. Has Hezbollah approached the Syrian government about the refugee issue, and is there any plan to help the country deal with the refugee crisis? Fayyad: There is no doubt that the refugee crisis carries serious negative effects for the Lebanese economy and security and constitutes one of the reasons behind the exacerbation of the economic situation and the worsening of the electricity sector. In addition, some refugee camps are located in the vicinity of Arsal and in the north, constituting a safe haven and providing infrastructure to terrorist groups. This issue is delicate and should be dealt with cautiously. We cannot hold civilians responsible for what terrorist groups, which have taken refuge in camps, are doing. It is not the responsibility of Hezbollah to discuss the issue of camps and their future with the Syrian government, but that of the Lebanese government. The latter formed a special committee including a number of ministers to deal with the situation, but as far as I know, it has yet to yield results. Al-Monitor: Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah publicly supported Hamas in its recent Gaza war with Israel, despite previous tensions over Hamas’ alleged involvement in the Syrian civil war. Al-Monitor has reported on efforts, involving Hezbollah, to repair relations between Hamas and the Syrian government. Have these efforts had any success? Fayyad: We always seek to improve relations with resistance powers and put disputes aside to unify efforts toward helping the Palestinian people, even though we had disputes with Hamas over its role in the Syrian crisis. We do not hesitate in standing by the side of the Palestinian people when they are subject to Israeli aggression. It is an ethical stance before being political, and we are keen on resolving the points of contention with Hamas and any other resistance powers. Al-Monitor: Is it true that Hezbollah is mediating between Hamas and the Syrian government to repair relations? Fayyad: We do not spare any effort to repair the dysfunction that befell relations between resistance powers. Al-Monitor: Are these efforts starting to bear fruit? Are we beginning to see a breakthrough? Fayyad: The situation is a lot better than before. Al-Monitor: It is now being said, today specifically, that Hezbollah has also a presence in Iraq to confront IS. Is Hezbollah playing any kind of role at any level against IS inside Iraqi territory? Fayyad: We have no military battlefield role in Iraq. Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/09/hezbollah-fayyad-interview-lebanon-islamic-state.html##ixzz3HibehJiw =========== جمال معروف في الصفوف الاولى اثناء عتداء جبهة النصرة بعد خرقهم للهندة وتوجيه كلمة لاميرهم الجولاني #SRF Jamal Maarouf Is in this video sending a direct message to Joulani #JAN #SRF #Idlib. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t_hWxOnMeK0&feature=youtu.be … … In Syria, hezbollah uses tanks provided by SAA Why would Hezbollah needs 1-100 tanks in Lebanon to be bombarded in minutes by over 700 jets owned by Israeli Air force? ================= Australian commandos unable to enter Iraq due to lack of visas The 200 special forces troops are unable to reach Iraq due to Baghdad’s ‘excruciating inefficiency,’ an Australian daily said. (Photo courtesy of Australian Army) Staff writer, Al Arabiya News Thursday, 30 October 2014 Australian commandos set to join the fight in Iraq against Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) militants have hit an unexpected snag – Baghdad has not yet issued them visas, the Sydney Morning Herald reported on Thursday. Although 200 special forces troops are in in the Gulf awaiting their deployment, the Iraqi government’s “excruciating inefficiency” has made them unable to reach their assignment, according to the daily, citing an unidentified source. While Foreign Affairs Minister Julie Bishop declined to comment on whether the troops were in Iraq, Australian officials have been told by Baghdad that it would take another week or two for the commando’s visas to be granted. Baghdad’s slowness in processing the soldier’s travel documents can be explained it being politically cautious in allowing foreign troops in its territory, the daily reported. First to commit Australian PM Tony Abbott in September announced a positioning of forces in the region – making Australia the first country to commit troops in the U.S.-led anti-ISIS coalition. But around the same time, Iraqi Foreign Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari was quoted by RT news channel as saying: “We are absolutely against foreign military bases and the presence of foreign military forces. Yes, we did ask for help, but it concerned air cover.” “The question of sending troops in was discussed several times and we were very frank and stated clearly that we are completely against the deployment of foreign troops on our territory, as it can cause justifiable fears and concerns among the Iraqi population,” he added. The Australian troops are expected to be partnered with an elite brigade of Iraqi special operations forces to offer both advice and assistance, Defence Force Chief Mark Binskin said earlier this month, according to the daily. Last Update: Thursday, 30 October 2014 KSA 18:48 - GMT 15:48 =============================== In a separate case, witnesses said they found 70 corpses from the same Albu Nimr tribe near the town of Heet in the Anbar province #Iraq. #IS executed 64 members of Albunemer Sunni tribe in Anbar. Promise of "revenge against #IS who y part of Hit tribes" http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/isis-executes-220-tribesmen-iraq ISIS executes 220 tribesmen in Iraq Members of the Iraqi security forces carry the coffins of their comrades during a procession to their burial site in Iraq's shrine city of Karbala on October 27, 2014 after an ISIS suicide bomber detonated an explosives-rigged Humvee armored vehicle. (Photo: AFP - Mohammed Sawaf) Published Thursday, October 30, 2014 The bodies of 150 members of an Iraqi tribe which fought Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) have been found in a mass grave, security officials said on Thursday. ISIS militants took the men from their villages to the city of Ramadi and killed them on Wednesday night and buried them, an official in a police operations center and another security official told Reuters. In a separate case, witnesses said they found 70 corpses from the same Albu Nimr tribe near the town of Heet in the Anbar province, west of Iraq. Most of the victims found near Heet were members of the police or an anti-ISIS force called Sahwa (Awakening). "Early this morning we found those corpses and we have been told by some Islamic State militants that 'those people are from Sahwa, who fought your brothers the Islamic State, and this is the punishment of anybody fighting Islamic State'," an eyewitness said, using an alternative name for ISIS. Tribal sheikhs from Albu Nimr say both sets of victims were among more than 300 men aged between 18 and 55 who were seized by ISIS this week. Iraq's government has been encouraging tribes to rise up against the extremist group that met little resistance when it swept through the country's heartland in June. ISIS, which declared a "caliphate" over territory it seized in Iraq and Syria, is being described as the world's wealthiest "terror" group, earning $1 million a day from black market oil sales alone, in addition to $429 million it has looted from Mosul’s central bank. ISIS has so far executed thousands in Iraq and Syria, targeting, in particular, ethnic and religious minorities. On June 12, 2014, ISIS killed at least 1,700 Iraqi Air Force soldiers in an attack on Camp Speicher in Tikrit, northwest of the Iraqi capital. At the time of the attack there were between 4,000 and 11,000 unarmed cadets in the camp. The Iraqi government blamed the massacre on both ISIS and members from the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Iraq Region. This month only, ISIS executed at least four women, including two doctors and a politician, in their northern Iraq strongholds. On September 22, ISIS executed a women's rights activist, Samira Saleh al-Nuaimi, reportedly because she had condemned the demolition of heritage sites by ISIS on social media. (Reuters, Al-Akhbar) ======================= ISIS threatens the Ismaili capital of Syria The Syrian village of al-Silmiya. (Photo: Al-Akhbar) By: Marah Mashi Published Thursday, October 30, 2014 The military operation in the northern and western countryside of Hama has almost achieved its goal, with the Syrian army recapturing most of the towns in the region. However, the war is still raging near al-Silmiya front in the eastern countryside, where the threat of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) continues to terrorize local residents. People in Silmiya believe that the Syrian regime “which is taking upon itself to protect minorities” will not forget their city, the capital of the Ismaili minority in the region. The people of al-Silmiya live in constant fear; “ISIS is at our doorstep,” they say. Located at one of the most critical roads for both the army and the militants, al-Silmiya is part of Hama’s eastern countryside, halfway between Hama’s western countryside and Idlib. More importantly, the town lies halfway between Hama’s military airport and Khanasser in Aleppo’s countryside, which leads to the city of Aleppo. The towns of Saan, Saboura, and Akareb located to the northeast of al-Silmiya constitute its defense line against smaller nomadic towns under ISIS control. Although an army unit led by Colonel Shouheil al-Hassan was dispatched from Aleppo to the western countryside to recapture Rahba Khitab and the surroundings of Mahrada, locals here are still worried that the regime would balk at defending their town if it is invaded by ISIS. Nevertheless, the army’s control of the western countryside and the town of Mork in the north of Hama restored some hope to the people of Silmiya. A local high ranking figure described al-Silmiya as a dual site for intellectuals and infidels in the midst of a conservative Islamic population “that shares the same affiliation.” But locals reject the use of the term “infidel” to describe the town known as “the birthplace of Cairo and the Fatimid dynasty” [the first Fatimid caliph, Ubaidullah al-Mahdi, was a al-Silmiya native]. They instead substitute “infidel” with poverty, hence intellect in this town is coupled with the poverty of its rebels who advocate the same ideas as those of late Syrian poet Mohammed al-Maghout, a town native. At the onset of the “Syrian revolution,” al-Silmiya witnessed some unique demonstrations with protesters proudly drinking and raising a glass to the civil revolution. The number of demonstrators reached 4,000 at one point, but it all ended with the first bullet that transformed the protests into a conflict between Islamist fighters and the authorities, while opponents in al-Silmiya tried to distance themselves [from the conflict]. People here are proud that their protesters were the only ones who did not emerge from mosques. However, most residents acknowledge that they were not able to positively influence their surroundings for reasons related to intellectual and sectarian differences. Bahaa, an opposition member in Silmiya, said “Silmiya was the third town to revolt after Daraa and Banyas; protesters at the beginning raised slogans calling for reform and for solidarity with Daraa and other slogans celebrating Syrian pride.” ISIS at the doorstep The specter of war is looming over the far eastern part of the town. In fact, al-Silmiya is separated from al-Shaer Mountain in the north of Homs by the villages of Berri, Okayrbat, and al-Soha, with the last two being important ISIS strongholds located to the east of Silmiya in Hama’s eastern countryside. The demarcation line also surrounds the town from the east to the north, including the villages of al-Mabouja and al-Saan – the last village of Silmiya before the Syrian Desert. People of Saan engaged in direct battles against ISIS militants who control neighboring Okayrbat. They had to leave their town in a sad exodus which was not covered by the media. Marwan, a town native who fought alongside the National Defense Forces, said local young men fought to recapture their village and transformed into a confrontation point against ISIS-controlled areas. He said that the village of Berri is witnessing similar battles against local militants because it overlooks the farms of some villages under militants’ control such as Edima and Um Mil. About a year ago, ISIS captured the village of Abu Hubaylat, located to the north east of Silmiya, a town that did not have a large population. Meanwhile, local militants control Taksis village in the south west of Silmiya, barricading themselves in the town’s rugged terrain linked to the Assi river basin. Not far from the threat of militants in Homs’ northern countryside, al-Silmiya is only a few kilometers away from al-Zaafarana and Ezzeddin road which leads to Talbissa and Rastan, where the ISIS threat reemerges from the south. Hence, al-Silmiya residents will find themselves surrounded from all sides in any upcoming war that would threaten the particularity of this town located in the heart of Syria. Awaiting the imam In this poverty stricken town, neglected by the government, people have resorted to the “Imam” Agha Khan. Here, it is normal to hear sentences such as “the Imam ordered us to distance ourselves from the conflict between the regime and Islamists,” or “the Imam will not leave us and he is working to fix our problems.” Hani, another opposition member in the town, believes that Agha Khan, the leader of an Ismaili sect, has a certain influence on believers but civil and secular individuals do not care about “the orders of the Imam,” and these were the ones who led the protests in the town. He explained that locals who do not advocate sectarianism are fearful following the fall of many villages in the town’s countryside, in addition to the threat of ISIS that worries everyone. “The people of Silmiya were never sectarian fanatics, and the supporters of Agha Khan were never his spokespersons like they are today,” Hani said, adding “they interpret every sign of danger with great fear and they await some sort of a savior.” The role of local associations Like many other Syrian towns, al-Silmiya is coping with the loss of dozens of its young men who were martyred while fighting with the army or the National Defense Forces in battles at its eastern border. The town has a population of about 150,000 residents, and in the summer it suffered a severe water crisis, after the water pipe running through the lawless al-Waer neighborhood in Homs was cut off. The problem was temporarily solved in cooperation with Agha Khan association that provided interim alternatives which brought water back to households in Silmiya and parts of Hama. However, visitors will be shocked to see widespread poverty and chaos in the town despite all the talk about development projects launched by Agha Khan association. Today, the association is focusing on relief efforts in cooperation with al-Birr charity organization and the Higher Shia Ismaili Council. Ghaleb al-Mir Ghaleb, head of al-Adiyat Charity Organization, said the stature of Agha Khan is deeply rooted in the sect as a spiritual leader. During the crisis, he called upon his followers not to raise arms against the state. Al-Mir said local associations are working together to help refugees and the poor in the town, and today they are seeking to give out $100 (16,000 Syrian Lira) cash aid to about 20,000 people in Silmiya. In addition, relief organizations are aiding refugees from Talbissa and Rastan who fled to the town since the beginning of the war, without showing off their assistance. Today, peaceful protests are long gone, and people are left with distant memories of early protesters, some of whom met suspicious destinies. One protester from Akareb village was killed by Harasta rebels who wrote “traitor dog” on his body, accusing him of being an agent of the regime. Of course, the name of this brave man who touched the hearts of Silmiya’s protesters was listed among the victims killed by the regime which was published by the Center of Documentation of Violations in Syria in 2012, without investigating the details surrounding his death. This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition. ================ Damascus criticised Turkish decision 2allow Iraqi Peshmerga 2enter #Syria describing it as 'an interference in sovereignty ". Non Agression Pact Signed Oct 28 By US-backed Harakat Hazm, Jahbat al Nusra, Islamic Front and Jaysh al-Mujahidin "More than 1,000 foreign fighters are streaming into Syria each month." http://t.co/TNrNrSkSXm =============== Suicide bomber kills Iraqi commander,top cleric raps army corruption Source: Reuters - Fri, 7 Nov 2014 07:56 PM Author: Reuters By Raheem Salman BAGHDAD, Nov 7 (Reuters) - A suicide bomber in a truck packed with explosives killed a senior police commander involved in an operation against Islamic State militants who have been surrounding Iraq's biggest oil refinery for months, security sources said. Friday's attack killed General Faisal Malik, one of the supervisors of a campaign designed to break the Sunni insurgents' grip on the facility and to rescue security forces trapped inside it just outside the town of Baiji. Two policemen were also killed, the security sources said. "The general was in his Humvee with two of his men. A suicide bomber in a truck targeted him directly," said an officer under his command. Iraqi security forces have repeatedly tried to push Islamic State fighters out of the refinery compound, where security forces have been surviving on airdrops. The death of Malik came after Iraqi security tried a new strategy to break the Islamic State siege of the refinery near Baiji, which lies 200 km (130 miles) north of Baghdad. Backed by Shi'ite militias and army helicopters, government forces have swept through a desert area west of Baiji, hoping to recapture the town and to cut off Islamic State supply lines. Security forces were also hoping to gain control of a road leading to Mosul, the biggest city in the north which is held by Islamic State, according to an army colonel. Islamic State fighters seized the city of Baiji and surrounded the sprawling refinery in June during a lightning campaign through northern Iraq. The group also controls a swathe of territory in neighbouring Syria and has proclaimed a caliphate straddling both countries. The police general's death was a psychological blow for the government after it had capitalised on U.S. air strikes against Islamic State and regained some territory. CORRUPTION The prime minister's office said on Friday that security forces had hoisted the Iraqi flag on a bridge that connects to the town of Amriyat al-Falluja, 40 km (25 miles) from Baghdad. It was not immediately possible to get independent confirmation that government forces had advanced. Islamic State fighters have been surrounding the area, located near the militants' stronghold of Falluja, for weeks. Western officials say Islamic State can only be defeated if the Iraqi army dramatically improves its performance. Reflecting such concerns, U.S. officials told Reuters on Friday the U.S. military had drawn up plans to significantly increase the number of American forces in Iraq beyond the current total of around 1,400 as part of a drive to help the Iraqi army defeat Islamic State. Iraq's most influential Shi'ite cleric blamed corruption in the armed forces for Islamic State's advances, criticism that will add to pressure for reforms in the face of the insurgency. Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani has been sharply critical of Iraqi leaders during what has become Iraq's worst crisis since a U.S.-led invasion toppled Saddam Hussein in 2003, urging them to set aside sectarian differences to save the nation. Iraq's army, recipient of $25 billion in U.S. training and funding, collapsed in the face of the rebels' summer onslaught. Speaking on Friday on live television through an aide in the holy southern Iraqi city of Kerbala, Sistani, 84, asked rhetorically what would happen if the military were corrupt. "We think the security deterioration that happened some months ago can answer that," Sistani said. "Objectivity demands that the different military positions should be occupied by those who are professional, patriotic, faithful, courageous and not affected in doing their duties by personal and financial influences." Sistani, whose word is law for millions of followers, went on to say that "even the smallest corruption is big". The reclusive cleric always delivers public messages via a proxy. U.S. air strikes have prevented Islamic State making further large-scale advances since August, when the al Qaeda offshoot beat back Kurdish peshmerga forces in the north and triggered a massive exodus of minority communities. Lacking a strong army, Iraq's government turned to Iranian-backed Shi'ite militias. But their alleged violations of human rights have exacerbated sectarian tensions, with the Sunni minority complaining of kidnappings, torture and executions. Militia leaders deny those accusations. Even if more Western countries step up support for Iraq's military, the overriding question will be whether the Shi'ite-led government can revive an alliance with Sunni tribesmen who helped defeat al Qaeda during the U.S. occupation. (Writing by Michael Georgy; Editing by Gareth Jones) http://www.trust.org/item/20141107195557-u6ezi/ =================

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