Clashes hit Yemen capital again as Houthis pursue political gains

7 shocking facts about Saudi Arabia under ‘modernizing’ reign of King Abdullah Published time: January 26, 2015 07:47 Edited time: January 26, 2015 13:54 Get short URL Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz al-Saud (Reuters/Zainal Abd Halim ZH/DL) Al-Qaeda, Human rights, Law, Modernization, Opposition, Politics, Saudi Arabia, Terrorism Taken aback by the fulsome praise the recently deceased King Abdullah has garnered from world leaders, RT has decided to assess whether his record stands up to scrutiny. READ MORE: Saudi King Abdullah dead – state TV The majority of eulogies went beyond the requirements of diplomatic etiquette, while some epithets used by Western politicians made people believe they had stepped through the looking glass. UK Prime Minister David Cameron said the monarch, who died at 90, “strengthened understanding between faiths,” while IMF chief Christine Lagarde called him “a strong advocate of women,” albeit a “discreet” one. And almost all political grandees seemed to agree that the scion of the House of Saud, was – in the words of Tony Blair – “a skillful modernizer,” who “led his country into the future.” READ MORE: #JeSuisAbdullah? Critics slam glowing Western eulogies for ‘reformer’ Saudi king One is invited to do a reality check and examine how far the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques really brought his country into the 21st century. 1. No elections, no parties, no parliament, no dissent Continuing its consistent decades-long record, Saudi Arabia received the lowest possible marks for civil and political freedoms in the annual Freedom House rankings in 2014. The countries placed alongside it were North Korea, Turkmenistan, and smattering of the most brutal African dictatorships. The regime’s disregard for any accountability to its people is brazen. There are no national elections, no parties, and no parliament – only a symbolic advisory chamber, known as Majlis al-Shura. Criticism is strictly forbidden: only last year, prominent opposition activist Abd al-Kareem al-Khoder joined hundreds of the country’s political prisoners, when he was sentenced to eight years for demanding the changeover to a constitutional monarchy. Just days before King Abdullah’s death, blogger Raif Badawi was given the first 50 of his 1,000 lashes – for calling for free speech on his blog. King Abdullah introduced municipal elections upon his official ascension to the throne – as a largely symbolic valve mechanism. At the same time, high-profile petitions demanding greater reform a decade ago landed their authors in prison. The country's sizable and restive Shia minority in the east - which led a series of public protests from 2011 onwards - is also systematically starved of political representation, somewhat inevitably, in a country led by a single Sunni family. 2. Equality: Jobs for the Saud boys – all 7,000 of them The grip of the House of Saud on the country’s levers of power and purse strings would be the envy of any medieval court. More than 7,000 princes bearing that family name are alive – with some experts speculating that the real number of titled family members approaches 30,000. Every single one has to be allocated a job commensurate with his lineage – creating hundreds of sinecures – while conversely, all talented candidates are shut out from key jobs if they do not bear the correct surname. Saudi Princess Lulwa Khaled Al-Saud (L) (Reuters/Fahad Shadeed) 3. Power transfer: Half Brezhnev-era USSR, half Game of Thrones Ironically, with such a large pool of descendants to choose from, the House of Saud is crippled by particularly outdated succession laws. Instead of primogeniture – where the title is inherited by the first-born son of the ruler – Saudi Arabia uses agnatic seniority, or the passing of power across to one’s brothers. This means that the 90-year-old Abdullah has been succeeded by 79-year-old half-brother Salman, while Crown Prince Muqrin turns 70 this year. Saudi King Salman (Reuters/Yuya Shino) Underneath the geriatric cadre of leaders, there exists a viper’s nest of intrigue, as the exponentially bigger younger generation plans to stake its claim on the throne, with factions aplenty split among the different branches of the sprawling family. It is not obvious how such a system guarantees the increasing prosperity and stability of a 21st-century state, and King Abdullah did little to reform its basic tenets. 4. Law: Scimitars and whips It may have become almost an online cliché to compare the legal systems of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic State, but the links between the two are fundamental. Both use the same ultra-conservative Hanbali school of jurisprudence, and many of the IS “judges” are Saudis, due to their familiarity with this concept of justice. Among the punishments distributed is anything from hands and feet being chopped off for theft, lashes for adultery and other “social” misdemeanors, to beheading, which can be handed down for crimes as varied as sedition, carjacking, sorcery and drug smuggling. Eighty-seven people are thought to have been beheaded in 2014, which is in line with the national average over the past five years, despite ever-growing external pressure on Saudi Arabia. Only this month, a video emerged online, showing an executioner repeatedly hacking away at the neck of a screaming condemned woman, as people looked on open-mouthed. Unlike solving some of Saudi Arabia’s deep-seated problems, the curtailing of such “justice” would have just required one firm intervention from King Abdullah. It is clear, this was not a priority for him. 5. Human rights: Torture and gavel There is no legal code in Saudi Arabia, leaving it to individual judges to set the punishment for a crime in accordance with their interpretation of Islamic scriptures. This gives them unlimited power, creating arguably one of the most inconsistent justice systems in the world, in which crimes and punishments are simply made up, leaving the convicts no obvious way to appeal. In addition, much of the legal process hinges on a “confession” from the defendant, which in turn encourages torture. In practice, the information obtained this way is even less reliable than that received from inmates at Guantanamo, as instead of trying to extract provable data, the torturers are merely demanding admissions of guilt – by all means available. King Abdullah attempted to rationalize the system, by creating more appeal courts, and introducing a stricter selection of judges. However, he did not question the value of the legal system as a whole, and all judges that have been appointed in the past two decades have been personally approved by him. 6. Women’s rights: Female (non-)drivers Over the past decade, the battle lines have been drawn on the symbolic issue of women drivers in Saudi Arabia. The Gulf monarchy is the last country in the world, where women are still not allowed to drive. Reuters/Faisal Al Nasser The issue is not near resolution, and women caught behind the wheel – whether during a symbolic protest, or an ordinary drive – can still end up sentenced to lashings. In fairness, King Abdullah did intervene in at least one case in 2011, to commute a punishment. But of course, for the majority of Saudi women, driving is the least of their problems. Many would prefer to be able to leave the house, make a purchase, sign any legal document – in fact perform almost any official action, from agreeing to surgery, to signing up to a class – without the consent of a guardian, either the husband or the father. Yet, even these suffocating measures give only scant impression of the status of Saudi women in a society where even their court testimony is worth half of that of a man. King Abdullah encouraged more women to go into education, and allocated them a fifth of the seats in his advisory chamber, also allowing them to vote and run in the 2015 municipal elections. As with other reform areas, these are top-down symbolic gestures that have done little to affect most Saudi women, who - outside of warzones - remain some of the most disadvantaged anywhere in the world. Still, Abdullah’s admirers can hope that his first steps will lay the foundation to profound change, not patronizing concessions. Reuters/Faisal Al Nasser 7. Terrorism fight: Friend or foe? A voluntary $100 million donation to the UN’s counter-terrorism center last year was a show of generosity from Riyadh, but what the Saudis give with one hand, they seem to take away with the other. According to the diplomatic cables published by Wikileaks in 2010, the US regards Saudi Arabia as the biggest source of Sunni terrorism funding in the world, and a “crucial” piggy-bank for Al-Qaeda and other radical groups. While much of its funding comes from private individuals, their identity is unlikely to have been a secret to King Abdullah, who did nothing to rein in his family members. In fact, one could be tempted to feel that the House of Saud is only against the “wrong” kind of terrorist – mostly Shia, but also splinter Sunni groups that threaten its hegemony over the region. When the “right” kinds of terrorist – Russia’s Chechen militants, or anti-Assad rebels – appear, then those in Riyadh palaces not only support them with funds, but see them as a legitimate tool for spreading influence and the favored Wahhabi ideology. Fighters of al-Qaeda linked Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant carry their weapons during a parade at the Syrian town of Tel Abyad, near the border with Turkey January 2, 2014. (Reuters/Yaser Al-Khodor) ========= Yemen crisis is first big test for Saudi Arabia's King Salman Mon, Jan 26 04:54 AM EST image By Angus McDowall RIYADH (Reuters) - The turmoil hitting Saudi Arabia's neighbor Yemen will pose the first big test for King Salman, and provide a glimpse as to whether his approach to hotspots in a fragmenting region will differ from that of his late brother. Yemen is at risk of breaking up with the ascent of the Houthi movement, a group whose main strategic alliance is with Riyadh's great regional foe Iran, in a country also home to Sunni al Qaeda's most active affiliate. In that respect, Yemen reflects what has happened across the Middle East, with Tehran's Shi'ite Muslim allies dominating war-torn Iraq and Syria, and Saudi Arabia attempting to back Sunni groups without bolstering its Islamist militant enemies. Under King Abdullah, Saudi Arabia constructed a dual-track regional policy of attempting to contain Iranian influence while at the same time opposing the growth of Sunni political Islam which it saw as an ideological threat to dynastic rule. That does not look likely to change, although the arrival of a younger man may make for a more active approach, possibly including a new effort to reach out and engage local players in Yemen, analysts say. Foreign policy in Saudi Arabia is a team job for the clique of ruling princes, even though it is the king who has the ultimate say. Salman was an integral part of Abdullah's team, and he brings many of the same princes into his own. "They are not going to get involved in a quagmire. I don't think there will be major change. It's about containment," said a Saudi close to policymakers. However, the fact that he is 11 years younger than Abdullah, and able to give more direct attention to the big issues, may mean Saudi policy will become more proactive, particularly in Yemen, where there have been years of quiet disengagement. "I think they're going to go to Yemen with open eyes and will try to contact all parties in the crisis and not exclude anyone," said Mustafa Alani, a security expert with close ties to the kingdom's Interior Ministry. After decades buying the support of tribes, politicians and clerics in Yemen, the Al Saud watched as their patronage network fell apart during a 2011 uprising and have now fallen back on a defensive security policy. Riyadh is constructing a tough series of border defenses to insulate itself from its turbulent neighbor and has cut off funding to Sanaa, hoping that will eventually persuade Yemen's new rulers to compromise. FOREIGN EXPERIENCE Sunday editions of the main Saudi newspapers ran at more than triple length, as companies bought full-page adverts to express their condolences for the late Abdullah and allegiance to King Salman and his two designated heirs. Both Crown Prince Muqrin, who was intelligence chief from 2005-12 and whose mother was Yemeni, and Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, who is Interior Minister, have been closely involved in Saudi Arabia's Yemen policy. It is Prince Mohammed, whose main focus is on assuring the kingdom's domestic security, who has been most prominent in shaping its Yemen policy in recent years, working closely with Sanaa against al Qaeda, but also strengthening border defenses. "The Saudis are looking for a real partner. They are very, very confused," said a source close to Yemen's government, adding that they would not support any government that the Houthis shared in. A more proactive Yemen policy might mean reaching out to former leader Ali Abdullah Saleh and the Islah party, erstwhile allies of Riyadh but whose unreliable track record and ties to the Muslim Brotherhood later became anathema to Abdullah. Salman may feel less worried about Islah, which beside the Brotherhood is also tied to tribal players and street leaders of the 2011 uprising, and may consequently adjust Riyadh's attitude towards it as one potential partner in Yemen, say analysts. Any change in attitude towards Islah would be closely watched by Egypt, where President Abdel Fatteh el Sisi has ruthlessly crushed the Brotherhood with the vocal encouragement of Abdullah and still seeks Saudi economic support. However, Riyadh views Yemeni politics as distinct from those of the wider region, so its behavior towards Islah or the Houthis might not reflect wider stances towards the Brotherhood or Iran. "I don't think their policy towards Yemen is reflective of their policy towards the world. It's their back yard and very particularistic and idiosyncratic," said Bernard Haykel, professor of near east studies at Princeton. IRAN RIFT There seems little chance that the region-wide tussle for power with Iran will abate, despite brief visits by its Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif on Friday and Saturday for Abdullah's funeral and the formal paying of respects. Iran's President Hassan Rouhani has pushed for better ties between the two countries, whose rivalry has been a factor in conflicts across the Middle East. Zarif and Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal met at the United Nations General Assembly in New York in September. Tehran has attacked Prince Saud for his harsh words towards Iran's policy in Syria, and diplomats say the Islamic republic views him as a hardliner who is obstructing detente. However, Prince Saud, who had an operation in the United States on Sunday, state media reported, does not set foreign policy alone. While his voice is important, he just one among several top princes who contribute, with the king having the final say. The senior ranks of the Al Saud regard Tehran's continued support for Syrian President Bashar al-Assad as an immovable obstacle to rapprochement, and the crisis in Yemen has only served to further harden them against Iran's call for detente. "Salman is quite hawkish on Iran. He's personally quite hawkish. The Iranians would have to do a lot for him to change his policy," said Haykel. (Additional reporting by Yara Bayoumy in Sanaa and William Maclean in Dubai; editing by Philippa Fletcher) ========= Yemen risks disintegration as south rejects Shi'ite group's takeover Sun, Jan 25 06:43 AM EST image By Yara Bayoumy SANAA (Reuters) - No sooner had Yemeni President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi announced his resignation than his country's tenuous political fabric began to disintegrate. Provinces across a nation barely held together by a complex web of tribal and religious alliances said they would no longer take military commands from Sanaa after the Iranian-allied Shi'ite Houthi group besieged Hadi's home and palace this week. The emerging fragmentation of the Arabian Peninsula country has sparked fears of the "Somalization" of a state which is home to a revitalized al Qaeda insurgency as well as a neighbor to top oil exporter Saudi Arabia. For Washington, Yemen's splintering would make it hard to carry out a counter-terrorism strategy against al Qaeda plotters who have targeted it and its ally Saudi Arabia and claimed responsibility for the Jan. 7 Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris. Through Hadi, a supporter of U.S. drone strikes on al Qaeda, Yemen was a top U.S. ally in the Washington's fight against islamist militancy. For Yemen's neighbors, especially Saudi Arabia, the rise of the Houthis resembles yet another fallen domino in capitals where allies of regional rival Iran have risen to power - including Damascus, Beirut and Baghdad. The Houthi fighters, a guerrilla force drawn from a Shi'ite minority that ruled a thousand-year kingdom in Yemen's highlands until 1962, first seized the capital Sanaa in September. They managed to coexist with Hadi until last week, when fighters crushed the president's guards and deployed outside his home. Although Hadi signed a deal acceding to many of the Houthis' demands, that attempt to defuse the crisis failed and he unexpectedly resigned soon afterwards. ANGRY, SCARED His move sparked a chain reaction from other provinces, some home to powerful military divisions, to dissociate themselves with the capital, where the Houthis are ostensibly in control even if they have not quite figured out a way to govern. "People are angry, people are scared. The worst is that it could turn into a civil war," a diplomatic source said. "It's chaos," said another diplomat. In the southern city of Aden, once the capital of a Marxist independent South Yemen, the local security committee said it would no longer receive orders from the capital Sanaa. Yemen's north and south united in 1990 but civil war broke out four years later, with then-President Ali Abdullah Saleh crushing southern secessionists to maintain the union. Now, various leaders of a long stagnant separatist movement have announced their secession. None speak for the entire region, comprised of eight provinces, sparking fears of further localized fighting among southerners. "WE REJECT THE COUP" In Aden, local groups raised the flag of the south in the general security building. In Mukallah, the capital city of the Hadramout province, militia fanned out across the city. In Ateq, capital city of the restive Shabwa province, local media reports said joint patrols by a secessionist group and local security had also taken over security of the area. In the eastern oil-rich province of Marib, which has emerged as a flashpoint between the Houthis and Sunni tribesmen in recent months, local political and security officials denounced the Jan. 19 events as a coup and said they would no longer take orders from Sanaa either. In Taiz and Ibb, thousands of anti-Houthi protesters also took to the streets. "We reject the coup," they said, in festive street protests reminiscent of the 2011 "Arab Spring" demonstrations that brought down Hadi's long-serving predecessor, Saleh. Even in Sanaa, factional fighting is a possibility with the army torn in its loyalties to the ousted Saleh or to the orders of the Houthis. The political vacuum showed no signs of easing as parliament indefinitely postponed its session to approve or reject Hadi’s resignation as backroom political dealings carried on to negotiate a way out of the crisis. PARALYSIS In recent days the capital has seen the first serious rejection of Houthi rule since their takeover. Many Sanaa residents have complained as fighters have set up checkpoints, taken over government ministries and spray painted their green-and-red Iranian-inspired "Death to America, Death to Israel" slogans on mosques and the wall around the Old City. Initially there was little public action in a country that has gone through numerous cycles of instability. But this week saw the largest anti-Houthi demonstration since the movement took over the capital. "We say no to the coup. No to Abdelmalek al-Houthi," said Samar, 35, referring to the Houthis' leader, whose family name is carried by the group. In a sign the Houthis might be losing patience, witnesses said they broke up a small protest outside Sanaa University on Sunday, firing shots in the air and arresting eight protesters. For Ahmed Ali, an elderly corn seller on the busy streets of Sanaa, the protests are no use. "The Houthis are bulls. I support these protests but what is the use? The Houthis deal with force." (Editing by William Maclean and Peter Graff) ===================== Tue, Jan 20 17:13 PM EST By Yara Bayoumy and Mohammed Ghobari SANAA (Reuters) - Fighters from the Houthi group battled guards at the Yemeni president's private home and entered the presidential palace on Tuesday, witnesses said, as a second day of violence in Sanaa raised fears the country was descending into chaos. In a speech on live television, Houthi leader Abdel-Malek al-Houthi suggested two days of fighting involving his men, condemned by U.S. President Barack Obama and U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, were part of an attempt to protect a power-sharing deal meant to steer Yemen to stability. His speech was repeatedly critical of President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, a U.S. ally with whom Houthi has been at odds over a draft constitution intended to help end decades of conflict and underdevelopment. He said no one, including Hadi, was above any steps when it came to implementing the power-sharing accord, which was negotiated after his men seized Yemen's capital, Sanaa, in September. Houthi prizes the accord as it grants his group participation in all military and civil state bodies. "We ... will not hesitate to impose any necessary measures to implement the peace and partnership agreement," said Houthi, whose Shi'ite Muslim group is widely seen as an ally of Iran in its regional struggle for influence with Saudi Arabia. TENSIONS The emergence of the Houthis as Yemen's top power in September has scrambled alliances and stoked tensions across Yemen's political spectrum, raising fears of deeper instability in a country that has one of al Qaeda's most active branches. Yemeni Information Minister Nadia al-Saqqaf said the clashes at Hadi's residence amounted to an attempt to topple Yemen's government, a charge denied by a senior official of the Houthi group. The clashes followed some of the worst fighting in Sanaa in years on Monday. Guards loyal to Hadi fought artillery battles near the presidential palace with the Houthi, which has been in conflict with Hadi over political and constitutional issues. "Yemeni president under attack by armed militias seeking the overthrow of the ruling system," Saqqaf said on Twitter on Tuesday evening. Residents said later the fighting had died down. A government official said two people had been killed. The minister did not identify the militias, but she said they were firing from nearby houses. Hadi lives in his private home and not in the palace. Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a member of the Houthi politburo, said his group had no plans to target Hadi. "Ansarullah has no intention of targeting President Hadi or his house," Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a member of the group's politburo, told Reuters, using the group's official name. He said what happened at Hadi's house was the result of a "provocation" by Hadi's security and that the incident has been contained. Earlier on Tuesday, Houthi fighters had entered Yemen's presidential palace after a brief clash with security guards, witnesses and security sources told Reuters. DENIAL Bukhaiti said the Popular Committees acted at the presidential palace on request from officers who had asked them to help stop a local officer from stealing weapons from the compound. In Washington, Obama's senior adviser Valerie Jarrett said the president was following the situation in Sanaa. "He's obviously is in touch with the folks on the ground, our embassy, he's getting regular updates from his national security team," Jarrett, said speaking in a television interview on MSNBC. Asked whether there was a plan in place to evacuate U.S. embassy staff or other Americans, Jarrett said she had no specific comment but added: "We are in close touch with our embassy." U.S. officials have expressed worries about Iranian support, including weapons, for Houthi's Shi’ite fighters. They had hoped that the power-sharing deal struck in September between the country’s political factions would calm the situation. Washington has made clear in the past that it sees chaos in Yemen as creating conditions that al Qaeda can exploit to strengthen its support and let it use the country for plotting attacks on Western interests. Even amid the growing turmoil of recent months, U.S. policy makers have considered Yemen’s government a model of regional collaboration on counterterrorism for its support of U.S. drone strikes and special forces operations against militants. (Writing by Sami Aboudi, Additional reporting by Matt Spetalnick; Editing by William Maclean and Angus MacSwan, Larry King) ==================== URL : https://gulfanalysis.wordpress.com/2015/01/20/the-federalism-dimension-in-yemens-draft- Excerpts from : Reidar Visser's analysis The partition of the north into four separate subunits is known to have prompted strong objections from the Shiite-leaning Houthi movement, which senses it will be left short-changed in a way that is not commensurate with its recent military successes. provisions for 40% representation of the two southern regions in the first parliament (article 139) and a requirement that senate decisions must enjoy support of at least a third of southern senators (article 143). The president (who, unlike Iraq, will be the main executive) and his deputy are to be elected on a single list representing more than one region (article 180), The most important issue concerns division of power between the different levels of government. The Yemeni draft is unsatisfactory in this respect, exactly like the Iraqi constitution that was adopted in 2005, and arguably a lot less clear than the recently published Libyan draft constitution. The problem is the unsatisfactory way in which the concept of residualism is tackled. In most federations, division of power is defined by a list of powers that are reserved for either the centre or for the subunits exclusively – with everything else (the “residual”) by implication being reserved for the other. There appears to be an attempt at establishing residualism in favour of the regions for anything not specifically mentioned at any level. On the other hand, a noteworthy item among the powers reserved exclusively for the regions (article 337) is the right to sign deals for trade and investment. But other “exclusive” areas are less exclusive in reality. On top of this, article 341 seems to establish the principle of residualism in favour of the regions for whatever competencies are not enumerated specifically for either the central government or the local subunits. One would think that oil and gas could be one such residual area but that is not the case in the Yemeni constitutional draft. Instead, separate sections (articles 357 and 387-90) address energy issues, but only by way of generalities, leaving the designation of revenue distribution and the management of the oil sector for future legislation. With vague concepts like “a just (adila) distribution” the Yemeni draft constitution offers even less in terms of guidelines than the hapless Iraqi one from 2005, and much less than the relatively clear Libyan constitutional draft that was released recently. It has been suggested that fury simply over the proposed administrative divisions and the six-way federal scheme was a contributing factor behind the recent moves of the Houthis against the Yemeni president. ===============

At least 13 killed in failed U.S. bid to rescue hostages in Yemen

Murdered Yemen hostage Pierre Korkie's wife says Al Qaeda had agreed to release him 'in days' At least 13 killed in failed U.S. bid to rescue hostages in Yemen Sun, Dec 07 08:05 AM EST image By Mohammed Ghobari and Mohammed Mukhashaf SANAA/ADEN (Reuters) - A woman, a 10-year-old boy and a local al Qaeda leader were among at least 11 people killed alongside two Western hostages when U.S.-led forces battled militants in a failed rescue mission in Yemen, residents said on Sunday. U.S. special forces raided the village of Dafaar in Shabwa province, a militant stronghold in southern Yemen, shortly after midnight on Saturday, killing several members of al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). American journalist Luke Somers, 33, and South African teacher Pierre Korkie, 56, were shot and killed by their captors during the raid intended to secure the hostages' freedom, U.S. officials said. AQAP, formed in 2006 by the merger of the Yemeni and Saudi branches of the network, has for years been seen by Washington as one of the movement's most dangerous branches. Western governments fear an advance by Shi'ite Muslim Houthi fighters with links to Iran has bolstered support among Yemeni Sunnis for AQAP, which has established itself in parts of south and east Yemen, including Shabwa where the raid took place. However, since Islamic State in Syria and Iraq began distributing films of its militants executing Western hostages, the focus on AQAP, which has traditionally used hostage-taking as a way to raise funds, had diminished until now. At least one Briton and a Turkish man are still held by the group. The Yemen-based group, loyal to the wider al Qaeda organization founded by the late Osama bin Laden, has denounced Islamic State, but Western and Gulf sources have said there may be operational connections between the two. "AQAP and Daesh (Islamic State) are essentially the same organization but have different methods of execution and tactics," a senior Yemeni intelligence official said on the sidelines of a conference in Bahrain this weekend. "They have killed hostages before, like the Yemeni special forces soldiers in Abyan in 2011. There are some AQAP cells that have pledged allegiance to the caliphate but there is division over the legitimacy of Daesh in its vision but not tactics." LOUD EXPLOSIONS Apart from the woman and the 10-year-old boy, reports on social media feeds of known militants said one of those killed was an AQAP commander and two members of the group. Six other people from the same southern Yemen tribe also died, the reports said, although they could not be immediately verified by Reuters. The commander, identified as Jamal Mubarak al-Hard al-Daghari al-Awlaki, appeared to be the same person as Mubarak al-Harad, named in a Yemen Defence Ministry statement on Saturday as the leader of an AQAP group. Several of those said by militants to have died were from the Daghari and Awlaki families, which are important tribes in Shabwa province. Yemen's government said on Saturday the hostages were being held in the house of a man named Saeed al-Daghari. As special forces battled al Qaeda militants in a house belonging to the al-Daghari family, kidnappers in another building about 100 meters (300 ft) away shot and killed the two hostages, a local man who identified himself only as Jamal said. Senior U.S. officials have said the raid was carried out by U.S. forces alone, but both Yemen's government and local residents said Yemeni forces also participated in the raid and engaged militants holding Somers and Korkie. "Before the gunshots were heard, very strong floodlights turned the night into daylight, and then we heard loud explosions," Jamal told Reuters. "The soldiers were calling on the house inhabitants to surrender and the speaker was clearly a Yemeni soldier," he added. Another witness, named Abdullah, said the Yemeni army had blocked access to the Wadi from all directions before the raid began. "When the forces withdrew, we found lots of bloodstains, but did not know if those were of the soldiers or the hostages," Abdullah said. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said the operation, the second attempt to free Somers in 10 days, had only been approved because of information that the American's life was in imminent danger. However, the Gift of the Givers relief group, which was trying to secure Korkie's release, said it had negotiated for the teacher to be freed and had expected that to happen on Sunday and for him to be returned to his family. Abdel-Razaq al-Jamal, a Yemeni journalist who specializes in covering Islamist militants, said AQAP may have originally intended to ransom Somers as well, but appeared to have been angered by the earlier failed rescue attempt on Nov. 25. "I don't think this marks a change in position by al Qaeda," Jamal told Reuters. "It is clear that negotiations have preceded their threat to kill him," he said. (Additional reporting by Yara Bayoumy in Manama; Writing by Sami Aboudi; Editing by Angus McDowall and Giles Elgood) ====================== Wife of South African hostage shot dead in US Navy SEAL rescue bid says Al Qaeda had agreed to release her husband 'in days' Pierre Korkie was due to be released today after high-level negotiations His wife Yolande said his captors agreed to put him on a flight to Istanbul She had planned to leave South Africa today for their planned reunion Gift of the Givers charity and tribe in Yemen negotiated for his freedom Pierre was gunned down by the jihadists as US forces crept on compound By Jane Flanagan In Cape Town Published: 12:05 AEST, 7 December 2014 | Updated: 21:12 AEST, 7 December 2014 A South African teacher held by Al Qaeda was just days away from being released before he was shot dead by his captors on Friday during a botched rescue bid by US Special Forces. Yolande Korkie said the jihadist chiefs at the Yemeni compound where her husband Pierre was held captive had agreed to free the 33-year-old today after months of high-level negotiations. But his captors gunned him down on Thursday when US Navy SEALS crept up on the remote mountain hideout in Yemen in their failed bid to rescue American citizen Luke Somers. Yolande Korkie, pictured, said the Al Qaeda had agreed to release her husband Pierre Korkie from the Yemeni hideout after months of negotiations aided by South African charity Gift of the Givers and a local tribe Yolande Korkie, pictured, said the Al Qaeda had agreed to release her husband Pierre Korkie from the Yemeni hideout after months of negotiations aided by South African charity Gift of the Givers and a local tribe Ms Korkie said, who said she was 'devastated' to learn of her husband's death, had been preparing to leave South Africa for Istanbul to meet her husband's planned flight from Yemen. The mother of two was held with her husband for seven months before her release in January, after South African charity Gift of the Givers convinced Al Qaeda the couple were not American. Ms Korkie had spent the last 11 months campaigning for his freedom which was agonisingly close to fruition after the Muslim charity and local tribal leaders liaised with the jihadists. Yemen rescue failed as captors alerted to approaching U.S.... FILE - This image made from video posted online by militants on Thursday, Dec. 4, 2014, which has been verified and is consistent with other AP reporting, sh... Obama says Somers' life was in imminent danger UK-born hostage Luke Somers shot dead by his Al Qaeda... Yesterday, as she and her children were being comforted at home by family, she thanked those who had secured her freedom and risked their own lives on behalf of her husband. Just hours before Gift of the Givers boss Dr Imtiaz Sooliman briefed reporters after Pierre was gunned down Ms Korkie had texted him that 'the waiting is almost over' for his release. Pierre Korkie had lived in Yemen for four years when he and his wife Yolande were snatched off the street outside their hotel in May last year Pierre Korkie had lived in Yemen for four years when he and his wife Yolande were snatched off the street outside their hotel in May last year She later wrote: 'Please accept our deep appreciation for your immeasurable commitment ... and the tribes. I am too emotional to speak to Anas [the charity field worker who negotiated with Al Qaeda for her and her husband's freedom] right now. 'But remind him of my words to him in Sana: if anything happens, it is NOT his fault. And neither your or the tribe's fault.' Last night a spokesman for the family said: 'Teaching was Pierre's life. His heart took him to Yemen. He loved teaching the poor.' Dr Sooliman told MailOnline he'd told Mrs Korkie about a premonition he'd had that American forces might attack the compound where her husband was being held. They were making last-minute arrangements for his liberation in a late-night conversation, even as the audacious rescue attempt was under way. 'We were speaking on the phone after midnight and I said to Yolande, 'if the Americans attack to release the hostages, the danger is Pierre can get killed,' Dr Sooliman told MailOnline. 'She accepted that, she knew there was a real risk of that happening following the threat by Al Qaeda to execute an American. 'She is an incredibly strong woman, she has got stronger every day that we have been working on this. She is calm, she has faith and very resolute. 'We have been handling the negotiations, but she has been informed of every detail, every step of the way.' He added: 'The psychological and emotional devastation to Yolande and her family will be compounded by the knowledge that Pierre was about to be released by al Qaida. 'You can't blame anybody for this. You can't accuse or blame them [US forces]. It's just unfortunate that it happened.' Navy SEALs made it to within 100 yards of British-born photographer Luke Somers and fellow captive Pierre Korkie but they were executed by their captors before the team could reach them There had been just three sightings of Mr Korkie, who is deaf, since he was captured 18 months ago and there were serious concerns for his fading health - he is thought to have been suffering from a hernia. The family had lived in Yemen for four years before Mr and Mrs Korkie were snatched off the street outside their hotel in May last year as they were preparing to fly home for the funeral of Mr Korkie's father. The children returned home without their parents and were cared for by family until their mother's release seven months later. In an interview recorded on the first anniversary of his capture, Mrs Korkie, a therapist who specialises in using horses as healing aides, revealed how she and the children slept in her husband's t-shirts every night and refused to eat his favourite food until his return. 'He continues to live in the most difficult circumstances,' she said. 'Time in captivity does not go by in hours, it goes by minute to minute. The world as he knows it has stopped. Surviving becomes the only reality.' Mr Korkie was well-known and liked in the family's small, conservative Afrikaner home town of Bloemfontein, where he was a teacher at the local school and one-time athletics coach to its most famous daughter, Olympic running sensation Zola Budd. Last night, Ms Budd declined to comment on her old friend's death, but her agent said she was 'devastated by the news'. Dr Sooliman revealed that as part of the release plan, Mrs Korkie had written a letter to her husband which was to be given to him by the Abyan tribal leaders to whom Al Qaeda had agreed to hand him over. In the note, written in Afrikaans, she explained that he could trust the men who were helping to get him home in time for Christmas. The architects of 9/11 had even agreed to waive their US $3million ransom for Mr Korkie when they finally confirmed he would be freed three weeks ago. The charity decided to approach the tribal leaders for their assistance after contact with Al Qaeda broke down after Mr Korkie's family had failed to raise the ransom the group had demanded. Mr Korkie's body is held by the US forces. The South African government will liaise with military officials and the Yemeni government for the repatriation of his remains, Nelson Kgwete, a spokesman for the South African government said. 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